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Haymarket affair

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Overview

Haymarket affair
This 1886 engraving was the most widely reproduced image of the Haymarket Affair. It inaccurately shows Fielden speaking, the bomb exploding, and the rioting beginning simultaneously[1]
Date May 4, 1886
Location Chicago, Illinois
41°53′5.64″N 87°38′38.76″W / 41.8849000°N 87.6441000°W / 41.8849000; -87.6441000Coordinates: 41°53′5.64″N 87°38′38.76″W / 41.8849000°N 87.6441000°W / 41.8849000; -87.6441000
Goals Eight-hour work day
Methods Strikes, Protest, Demonstrations
Parties to the civil conflict
Lead figures
Carter Harrison, Sr.;
John Bonfield
Arrests, etc
Deaths: 4
Injuries: 70+
Arrests: 100+
Deaths: 7
Injuries: 60
Haymarket affair is located in Chicago
Haymarket affair
Haymarket square, Chicago, Illinois


This 1886 engraving was the most widely reproduced image of the Haymarket Affair. It inaccurately shows Fielden speaking, the bomb exploding, and the rioting beginning simultaneously[1] - Haymarket affair
This 1886 engraving was the most widely reproduced image of the Haymarket Affair. It inaccurately shows Fielden speaking, the bomb exploding, and the rioting beginning simultaneously[1]
"Haymarket bombing" redirects here. For the 2007 car bombs in London, see 2007 London car bombs.
"Haymarket Riot" redirects here. For the band, see Haymarket Riot (band).

The Haymarket affair (also known as the Haymarket massacre or Haymarket riot) was the aftermath of a bombing that took place at a labor demonstration on Tuesday May 4, 1886, at Haymarket Square[2] in Chicago. It began as a peaceful rally in support of workers striking for an eight-hour day and in reaction to the killing of several workers by the police, the previous day. An unknown person threw a dynamite bomb at police as they acted to disperse the public meeting. The bomb blast and ensuing gunfire resulted in the deaths of seven police officers and at least four civilians; scores of others were wounded.

In the internationally publicized legal proceedings that followed, eight anarchists were convicted of conspiracy. The evidence was that one of the defendants may have built the bomb, but none of those on trial had thrown it.[3][4][5][6] Seven were sentenced to death and one to a term of 15 years in prison. The death sentences of two of the defendants were commuted by Illinois governor Richard J. Oglesby to terms of life in prison, and another committed suicide in jail rather than face the gallows. The other four were hanged on November 11, 1887. In 1893, Illinois' new governor John Peter Altgeld pardoned the remaining defendants and criticized the trial.

The Haymarket affair is generally considered significant as the origin of international May Day observances for workers.[7][8] The site of the incident was designated a Chicago Landmark in 1992,[9] and a public sculpture was dedicated there in 2004. In addition, the Haymarket Martyrs' Monument at the defendants' burial site in nearby Forest Park was designated a National Historic Landmark in 1997.[10]

"No single event has influenced the history of labor in Illinois, the United States, and even the world, more than the Chicago Haymarket Affair. It began with a rally on May 4, 1886, but the consequences are still being felt today. Although the rally is included in American history textbooks, very few present the event accurately or point out its significance," according to labor studies professor William J. Adelman.[11]

Background

Following the Civil War, particularly following the Depression of 1873–79, there was a rapid expansion of industrial production in the United States. Chicago was a major industrial center and tens of thousands of German and Bohemian immigrants were employed at about $1.50 a day. American workers worked on average slightly over 60 hours, during a six-day work week.[12] The city became a center for many attempts to organize labor's demands for better working conditions.[13] Employers responded with anti-union measures, such as firing and blacklisting union members, locking out workers, recruiting strikebreakers; employing spies, thugs, and private security forces and exacerbating ethnic tensions in order to divide the workers.[14] Mainstream newspapers supported business interests, and were opposed by the labor and immigrant press.[15] During the economic slowdown between 1882 and 1886, socialist and anarchist organizations were active. Membership of the Knights of Labor, which rejected socialism and radicalism, but supported the 8-hour work day, grew from 70,000 in 1884 to over 700,000 by 1886.[16] In Chicago, the anarchist movement of several thousand, mostly immigrant, workers centered about the German-language newspaper Arbeiter-Zeitung ("Workers' Times"), edited by August Spies. Other anarchists operated a militant revolutionary force with an armed section that was equipped with guns and explosives. Its revolutionary strategy centered around the belief that successful operations against the police and the seizure of major industrial centers would result in massive public support by workers, revolution, destroy capitalism, and establish a socialist economy.[17]

May Day parade and strikes

In October 1884, a convention held by the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions unanimously set May 1, 1886, as the date by which the eight-hour work day would become standard.[18] As the chosen date approached, U.S. labor unions prepared for a general strike in support of the eight-hour day.[19]

On Saturday, May 1, thousands of workers went on strike and rallies were held throughout the United States, with the cry, "Eight-hour day with no cut in pay." Estimates of the number of striking workers across the U.S. range from 300,000[20] to half a million.[21] In New York City the number of demonstrators was estimated at 10,000[22] and in Detroit at 11,000.[23] In Milwaukee, Wisconsin, some 10,000 workers turned out.[23] In Chicago, the movement's center, an estimated 30,000-to-40,000 workers had gone on strike[20] and there were perhaps twice as many people out on the streets participating in various demonstrations and marches,[24][25] as, for example, a march by 10,000 men employed in the Chicago lumber yards.[21] Though participants in these events added up to 80,000, it is disputed whether there was a march of that number down Michigan Avenue led by anarchist Albert Parsons, founder of the International Working People's Association [IWPA] and his wife Lucy and their children.[20][26]

The first flier calling for a rally in the Haymarket on May 4. (left) and the revised flier for the rally. (right)
The words &quotWorkingmen Arm Yourselves and Appear in Full Force!" were removed from the revised flier. - Haymarket affair
The first flier calling for a rally in the Haymarket on May 4. (left) and the revised flier for the rally. (right)
The words "Workingmen Arm Yourselves and Appear in Full Force!" were removed from the revised flier.

On May 3, striking workers in Chicago met near the McCormick Harvesting Machine Company plant. Union molders at the plant had been locked out since early February and the predominantly Irish-American workers at McCormick had come under attack from Pinkerton guards during an earlier strike action in 1885. This event, along with the eight-hour militancy of McCormick workers, had gained the strikers some respect and notoriety around the city. By the time of the 1886 general strike, strikebreakers entering the McCormick plant were under protection from a garrison of 400 police officers. Although half of the replacement workers defected to the general strike on May 1, McCormick workers continued to harass strikebreakers as they crossed the picket lines.

Speaking to a rally outside the plant on May 3, August Spies advised the striking workers to "hold together, to stand by their union, or they would not succeed."[27] Well-planned and coordinated, the general strike to this point had remained largely nonviolent. When the end-of-the-workday bell sounded, however, a group of workers surged to the gates to confront the strikebreakers. Despite calls for calm by Spies, the police fired on the crowd. Two McCormick workers were killed (although some newspaper accounts said there were six fatalities).[28] Spies would later testify, "I was very indignant. I knew from experience of the past that this butchering of people was done for the express purpose of defeating the eight-hour movement."[27]

Outraged by this act of police violence, local anarchists quickly printed and distributed fliers calling for a rally the following day at Haymarket Square (also called the Haymarket), which was then a bustling commercial center near the corner of Randolph Street and Desplaines Street. Printed in German and English, the fliers claimed that the police had murdered the strikers on behalf of business interests and urged workers to seek justice. The first batch of fliers contain the words Workingmen Arm Yourselves and Appear in Full Force! When Spies saw the line, he said he would not speak at the rally unless the words were removed from the flier. All but a few hundred of the fliers were destroyed, and new fliers were printed without the offending words.[29] More than 20,000 copies of the revised flier were distributed.[30]

Rally at Haymarket Square

The revenge flyer - Haymarket affair
The revenge flyer

The rally began peacefully under a light rain on the evening of May 4. Spies, Albert Parsons, and Samuel Fielden spoke to a crowd estimated variously between 600 and 3,000[31] while standing in an open wagon adjacent to the square on Des Plaines Street.[9] A large number of on-duty police officers watched from nearby.[9]

Paul Avrich, a historian specializing in the study of anarchism, quotes Spies as saying:

"There seems to prevail the opinion in some quarters that this meeting has been called for the purpose of inaugurating a riot, hence these warlike preparations on the part of so-called 'law and order.' However, let me tell you at the beginning that this meeting has not been called for any such purpose. The object of this meeting is to explain the general situation of the eight-hour movement and to throw light upon various incidents in connection with it."[32]

Following Spies' speech, the crowd was addressed by Parsons, the Alabama-born editor of the radical English-language weekly The Alarm.[33] The crowd was so calm that Mayor Carter Harrison, Sr., who had stopped by to watch, walked home early. Parsons spoke for almost an hour before standing down in favor of the last speaker of the evening, The British socialist Samuel Fielden, delivered a brief 10 minute address. Many of the crowd had already left as the weather was deteriorating.[33] A New York Times article, with the dateline May 4 and headlined "Rioting and Bloodshed in the Streets of Chicago ... Twelve Policemen Dead or Dying", reported that Fielden spoke for 20 minutes, alleging that his words grew "wilder and more violent as he proceeded.".[34] Another New York Times article, headlined "Anarchy’s Red Hand" and dated May 6, opens with: "The villainous teachings of the Anarchists bore bloody fruit in Chicago tonight and before daylight at least a dozen stalwart men will have laid down their lives as a tribute to the doctrine of Herr Johann Most." It refers to the strikers as a "mob" and uses quotation marks around the term "workingmen".[35]

The bombing and gunfire

A map of the bombing published by the Chicago Tribune on May 5, 1886 - Haymarket affair
A map of the bombing published by the Chicago Tribune on May 5, 1886

At about 10:30 pm, just as Fielden was finishing his speech, police arrived en masse, marching in formation towards the speakers' wagon, and ordered the rally to disperse.[36] Fielden insisted that the meeting was peaceful. Police Inspector John Bonfield, proclaimed:

I command you [addressing the speaker] in the name of the law to desist and you [addressing the crowd] to disperse.[34][37]

A home-made bomb with a brittle metal casing[38] filled with dynamite and ignited by a fuse,[39] was thrown into the path of the advancing police. Its fuse briefly sputtered, then the bomb exploded, killing policeman Mathias J. Degan with flying metal fragments and mortally wounding six other officers.[31][34]

Witnesses maintained that immediately after the bomb blast there was an exchange of gunshots between police and demonstrators.[40] Accounts vary widely as to who fired first and whether any of the crowd fired at the police. Historian Paul Avrich maintains that the police fired on the fleeing demonstrators, reloaded and then fired again, killing four and wounding as many as 70 people. What is not disputed is that in less than five minutes the square was empty except for the casualties. According to the May 4 New York Times demonstrators began firing at the police, who then returned fire.[34] In his report on the incident, Inspector Bonfield wrote that he "gave the order to cease firing, fearing that some of our men, in the darkness might fire into each other".[41] An anonymous police official told the Chicago Tribune, "A very large number of the police were wounded by each other's revolvers. ... It was every man for himself, and while some got two or three squares away, the rest emptied their revolvers, mainly into each other."[42]

In all, seven policemen and at least four workers were killed. Another policeman died two years after the incident from complications related to injuries received on that day.[43] About 60 policemen were wounded in the incident. They were carried, along with some other wounded people, into a nearby police station. Police captain Michael Schaack later wrote that the number of wounded workers was "largely in excess of that on the side of the police".[44] The Chicago Herald described a scene of "wild carnage" and estimated at least fifty dead or wounded civilians lay in the streets.[45] It is unclear how many civilians were wounded since many were afraid to seek medical attention, fearing arrest. They found aid where they could.[34][46][47]

Engraving of police officer Mathias J. Degan, who was killed by the bomb blast. - Haymarket affair
Engraving of police officer Mathias J. Degan, who was killed by the bomb blast.

Aftermath and red scare

A harsh anti-union clampdown followed the Haymarket incident. There was a massive outpouring of community and business support for the police and many thousands of dollars were donated to funds for their medical care and to assist their efforts. The entire labor and immigrant community, particularly Germans and Bohemians, came under suspicion. Police raids were carried out on homes and offices of suspected anarchists. Scores of suspects, many only remotely related to the Haymarket affair, were arrested. Casting legal requirements such as search warrants aside, Chicago police squads subjected the labor activists of Chicago to an eight-week shakedown, ransacking their meeting halls and places of business,. The emphasis was on the speakers at the Haymarket rally and the newspaper, Arbeiter-Zeitung. A small group of anarchists were discovered to have been engaged in making bombs on the same day as the incident, including round ones like the one used in Haymarket Square.[48]

Newspaper reports declared that anarchist agitators were to blame for the "riot", a view adopted by an alarmed public. As time passed press reports and illustrations of the incident became more elaborate. Coverage was national, then international. Among property owners, the press, and other respectable elements of society, a consensus developed that suppression of anarchist agitation was necessary. While for their part, union organizations such as The Knights of Labor and craft unions were quick to disassociate themselves from the anarchist movement and to repudiate violent tactics as self-defeating.[49] Many workers, on the other hand, believed that the Pinkerton agency were responsible because of its tactic of secretly infiltrating labor groups and sometimes violent methods of strike breaking,[50]

Pardon and historical characterization

Altgeld Monument (by Borglum) erected by the Illinois Legislature in Lincoln Park, Chicago (1915) - Haymarket affair
Altgeld Monument (by Borglum) erected by the Illinois Legislature in Lincoln Park, Chicago (1915)

Among supporters of the labor movement in the United States and abroad and others, the trial was widely believed to have been unfair, and even a serious miscarriage of justice. Prominent people such as novelist William Dean Howells; celebrated attorney Clarence Darrow;[77] poet and playwright Oscar Wilde; and playwright George Bernard Shaw strongly condemned it. On June 26, 1893, Illinois Governor John Peter Altgeld, the progressive governor of Illinois, himself a German immigrant, signed pardons for Fielden, Neebe, and Schwab, calling them victims of "hysteria, packed juries, and a biased judge" and noting that the state "has never discovered who it was that threw the bomb which killed the policeman, and the evidence does not show any connection whatsoever between the defendants and the man who threw it."[78] Altgeld also faulted the city of Chicago for failing to hold Pinkerton guards responsible for repeated use of lethal violence against striking workers.[79] Altgeld's actions concerning labor were used to defeat his reelection.[80][81][82]

Soon after the trial, anarchist Dyer Lum wrote a history of the trial critical of the prosecution. In 1888, George McLean, and in 1889, police captain Michael Shack, wrote accounts from the opposite perspective.[83] Awaiting sentencing, each of the defendants wrote their own autobiographies (edited and published by Philip Foner in 1969), and later activist Lucy Parsons published a biography of her condemned husband Albert Parsons. Fifty years after the event, Henry Davis, wrote a history, which was superseded in another scholarly treatment by Paul Avrich in 1984, and a "social history" of the era by Bruce C. Nelson in 1988. In 2006, labor historian, James Green, wrote a popular history.[83]

Christopher Thale in the Encyclopedia of Chicago, writes that lacking credible evidence regarding the bombing, the prosecution focused on the writings and speeches of the defendants.[84] He further notes that the conspiracy charge was legally unprecedented, the Judge was "partisan," and all the jurors admitted prejudice against the defendants. Historian Carl Smith writes: "The visceral feelings of fear and anger surrounding the trial ruled out anything but the pretense of justice right from the outset."[85] Smith notes that scholars have long considered the trial a "notorious" "miscarriage of justice."[86] In a review somewhat more critical of the defendants, historian Jon Teaford concludes that "[t]he tragedy of Haymarket is the American justice system did not protect the damn fools who most needed that protection... It is the damn fools who talk too much and too wildly who are most in need of protection from the state."[83] In 2011, labor historian Timothy Messer-Kruse published a history. Based on his examination of the trial transcripts and other archival material, he concludes there is abundant evidence connecting defendants to advocacy of violence and preparations for it. He argues that Chicago's anarchists were indeed "part of an international terrorist network and did hatch a conspiracy to attack police with bombs and guns that May Day weekend"; and he calls the evidence establishing the guilt of "most of the defendants"[vague] "overwhelming." Moreover, Messer-Kruse opines that the trial was fair "by the standards of the age" and the jury representative. According to him, "The tragic end of the story was the product not of prosecutorial eagerness to see the anarchists hang, but largely due to a combination of the incompetence of the defendant's lawyers and their willingness to use the trial to vindicate anarchism rather than to save the necks of their clients."[87]

During the late 20th century, scholars doing research into the Haymarket affair were surprised to learn that much of the primary source documentation relating to the incident (beside materials concerning the trial) was not in Chicago, but had been transferred to then-communist East Berlin.[88]

Effects on the labor movement and May Day

The Haymarket affair was a setback for the American labor movement and its fight for the eight-hour day. Yet it also can be seen as strengthening its resistance, especially in Chicago, where, as historian Nathan Fine points out, trade union activities continued to show signs of growth and vitality, culminating later in 1886 with the establishment of the Labor Party of Chicago.[89]

Fine observes:

"[T]he fact is that despite police repression, newspaper incitement to hysteria, and organization of the possessing classes, which followed the throwing of the bomb on May 4, the Chicago wage earners only united their forces and stiffened their resistance. The conservative and radical central bodies – there were two each of the trade unions and two also of the Knights of Labor — the socialists and the anarchists, the single taxers and the reformers, the native born...and the foreign born Germans, Bohemians, and Scandinavians, all got together for the first time on the political field in the summer following the Haymarket affair.... [T]he Knights of Labor doubled its membership, reaching 40,000 in the fall of 1886. On Labor Day the number of Chicago workers in parade led the country."[89]

Popular pressure continued for the establishment of the 8-hour day. At the convention of the American Federation of Labor (AFL) in 1888, the union decided to campaign for the shorter workday again. May 1, 1890, was agreed upon as the date on which workers would strike for an eight-hour work day.[90]

This sympathetic engraving by English Arts and Crafts illustrator Walter Crane of &quotThe Anarchists of Chicago" was widely circulated among anarchists, socialists, and labor activists. - Haymarket affair
This sympathetic engraving by English Arts and Crafts illustrator Walter Crane of "The Anarchists of Chicago" was widely circulated among anarchists, socialists, and labor activists.

In 1889, AFL president Samuel Gompers wrote to the first congress of the Second International, which was meeting in Paris. He informed the world's socialists of the AFL's plans and proposed an international fight for a universal eight-hour work day.[91] In response to Gompers's letter, the Second International adopted a resolution calling for "a great international demonstration" on a single date so workers everywhere could demand the eight-hour work day. In light of the Americans' plan, the International adopted May 1, 1890 as the date for this demonstration.[92]

A secondary purpose behind the adoption of the resolution by the Second International was to honor the memory of the Haymarket martyrs and other workers who had been killed in association with the strikes on May 1, 1886. Historian Philip Foner writes "[t]here is little doubt that everyone associated with the resolution passed by the Paris Congress knew of the May 1 demonstrations and strikes for the eight-hour day in 1886 in the United States ... and the events associated with the Haymarket tragedy."[92]

The first international May Day was a spectacular success. The front page of the New York World on May 2, 1890, was devoted to coverage of the event. Two of its headlines were "Parade of Jubilant Workingmen in All the Trade Centers of the Civilized World" and "Everywhere the Workmen Join in Demands for a Normal Day."[93] The Times of London listed two dozen European cities in which demonstrations had taken place, noting there had been rallies in Cuba, Peru and Chile.[94] Commemoration of May Day became an annual event the following year.

The association of May Day with the Haymarket martyrs has remained strong in Mexico. Mary Harris "Mother" Jones was in Mexico on May 1, 1921, and wrote of the "day of 'fiestas'" that marked "the killing of the workers in Chicago for demanding the eight-hour day".[95] In 1929 The New York Times referred to the May Day parade in Mexico City as "the annual demonstration glorifying the memory of those who were killed in Chicago in 1887."[96] The New York Times described the 1936 demonstration as a commemoration of "the death of the martyrs in Chicago."[97] In 1939 Oscar Neebe's grandson attended the May Day parade in Mexico City and was shown, as his host told him, "how the world shows respect to your grandfather".[98] An American visitor in 1981 wrote that she was embarrassed to explain to knowledgeable Mexican workers that American workers were ignorant of the Haymarket affair and the origins of May Day.[99]

The influence of the Haymarket affair was not limited to the celebration of May Day. Emma Goldman, the activist and political theorist, was attracted to anarchism after reading about the incident and the executions, which she later described as "the events that had inspired my spiritual birth and growth." She considered the Haymarket martyrs to be "the most decisive influence in my existence".[100] Her associate, Alexander Berkman also described the Haymarket anarchists as "a potent and vital inspiration."[101] Others whose commitment to anarchism crystallized as a result of the Haymarket affair included Voltairine de Cleyre and "Big Bill" Haywood, a founding member of the Industrial Workers of the World.[101] Goldman wrote to historian Max Nettlau that the Haymarket affair had awakened the social consciousness of "hundreds, perhaps thousands, of people".[102]

Suspected bombers

While admitting none of the defendants was involved in the bombing, the prosecution made the argument that Lingg had built the bomb and two prosecution witnesses (Harry Gilmer and Malvern Thompson) tried to imply the bomb thrower was helped by Spies, Fischer and Schwab.[103][104] The defendants claimed they had no knowledge of the bomber at all.

Several activists, including Dyer Lum (a close associate of the defendants who wrote an account of the case in 1891), Voltairine de Cleyre and Robert Reitzel, later hinted they knew who the bomber was.[105] Writers and other commentators have speculated about many possible suspects:

Rudolph Schnaubelt, shown here, was indicted but fled the country. A prosecution witness identified Schnaubelt as the bomber from this photograph in court. - Haymarket affair
Rudolph Schnaubelt, shown here, was indicted but fled the country. A prosecution witness identified Schnaubelt as the bomber from this photograph in court.
  • Rudolph Schnaubelt (1863–1901) was an activist and the brother-in law of Michael Schwab. He was at the Haymarket when the bomb exploded. Schnaubelt was indicted with the other defendants but fled the city and later the country before he could be brought to trial. He was the detectives' lead suspect, and state witness Gilmer testified he saw Schnaubelt throw the bomb, identifying him from a photograph in court.[106] Schnaubelt later sent two letters from London disclaiming all responsibility, writing, "If I had really thrown this bomb, surely I would have nothing to be ashamed of, but in truth I never once thought of it."[107] He is the most generally accepted and widely known suspect and figured as the bomb thrower in The Bomb, Frank Harris's 1908 fictionalization of the tragedy. Written from Schnaubelt's point of view, the story opens with him confessing on his deathbed. However, Harris's description was fictional and those who knew Schnaubelt vehemently criticized the book.[108]
  • George Schwab was a German shoemaker who died in 1924. German anarchist Carl Nold claimed he learned Schwab was the bomber through correspondence with other activists but no proof ever emerged. Historian Paul Avrich also suspected him but noted that while Schwab was in Chicago, he had only arrived days before. This contradicted statements by others that the bomber was a well-known figure in Chicago.[109][110]
  • George Meng (b. around 1840) was a German anarchist and teamster who owned a small farm outside of Chicago where he had settled in 1883 after emigrating from Bavaria. Like Parsons and Spies, he was a delegate at the Pittsburgh Congress and a member of the IWPA. Meng's granddaughter, Adah Maurer, wrote Paul Avrich a letter in which she said that her mother, who was 15 at the time of the bombing, told her that her father was the bomber. Meng died sometime before 1907 in a saloon fire. Based on his correspondence with Maurer, Avrich concluded that there was a "strong possibility" that the little-known Meng may have been the bomber.[111]
  • An agent provocateur was suggested by some members of the anarchist movement. Albert Parsons believed the bomber was a member of the police or the Pinkertons trying to undermine the labor movement. However, this contradicts the statements of several activists who said the bomber was one of their own. Lucy Parsons and Johann Most rejected this notion. Dyer Lum said it was "puerile" to ascribe "the Haymarket bomb to a Pinkerton."[112]
  • A disgruntled worker was widely suspected. When Adolph Fischer was asked if he knew who threw the bomb, he answered, "I suppose it was some excited workingman." Oscar Neebe said it was a "crank."[113] Governor Altgeld speculated the bomb thrower might have been a disgruntled worker who was not associated with the defendants or the anarchist movement but had a personal grudge against the police. In his pardoning statement, Altgeld said the record of police brutality towards the workers had invited revenge adding, "Capt. Bonfield is the man who is really responsible for the deaths of the police officers."[114]
  • Klemana Schuetz was identified as the bomber by Franz Mayhoff, a New York anarchist and fraudster, who claimed in an affidavit that Schuetz had once admitted throwing the Haymarket bomb. August Wagener, Mayhoff's attorney, sent a telegram from New York to defense attorney Captain William Black the day before the executions claiming knowledge of the bomber's identity. Black tried to delay the execution with this telegram but Governor Oglesby refused. It was later learned that Schuetz was the primary witness against Mayhoff at his trial for insurance fraud, so Mayhoff's affidavit has never been regarded as credible by historians.[115]
  • Thomas Owen was a carpenter from Pennsylvania. Severely injured in an accident a week before the executions, Owen reportedly confessed to the bombing on his deathbed by saying, "I was at the Haymarket riot and am an anarchist and say that I threw a bomb in that riot." He was an anarchist and apparently had been in Chicago at the time but other accounts note that long before his accident he had said he was at the Haymarket and saw the bomb thrower. Owen may have been trying to save the condemned men.[116]
  • Reinold "Big" Krueger was killed by police either in the melee after the bombing or in a separate disturbance the next day and has been named as a suspect but there is no supporting evidence.[117][118]
  • A mysterious outsider was reported by John Philip Deluse, a saloon keeper in Indianapolis who claimed he encountered a stranger in his saloon the day before the bombing. The man was carrying a satchel and on his way from New York to Chicago. According to Deluse, the stranger was interested in the labor situation in Chicago, repeatedly pointed to his satchel and said, "You will hear of some trouble there very soon."[119] Parsons used Deluse's testimony to suggest the bomb thrower was sent by eastern capitalists.[120] Nothing more was ever learned about Deluse's claim.

Burial and monument

A 2009 image of the Haymarket Martyr's Monument at the Forest Home Cemetery in Forest Park, IL. - Haymarket affair
A 2009 image of the Haymarket Martyr's Monument at the Forest Home Cemetery in Forest Park, IL.

Lingg, Spies, Fischer, Engel, and Parsons were buried at the German Waldheim Cemetery (later merged with Forest Home Cemetery) in Forest Park, Illinois, a suburb of Chicago. Schwab and Neebe were also buried at Waldheim when they died, reuniting the "Martyrs." In 1893, the Haymarket Martyrs' Monument by sculptor Albert Weinert was raised at Waldheim. Over a century later, it was designated a National Historic Landmark by the United States Department of the Interior.

Throughout the 20th century, activists such as Emma Goldman chose to be buried near the Haymarket Martyrs' Monument graves.

Workers finish installing Gelert's statue of a Chicago policeman in Haymarket Square, 1889. The statue now stands at the Chicago Police Headquarters. - Haymarket affair
Workers finish installing Gelert's statue of a Chicago policeman in Haymarket Square, 1889. The statue now stands at the Chicago Police Headquarters.

Haymarket memorials

In 1889, a commemorative nine-foot (2.7 meter) bronze statue of a Chicago policeman by sculptor Johannes Gelert was erected in the middle of Haymarket Square with private funds raised by the Union League Club of Chicago.[121] The statue was unveiled on May 30, 1889, by Frank Degan, the son of Officer Mathias Degan.[122] On May 4, 1927, the 41st anniversary of the Haymarket affair, a streetcar jumped its tracks and crashed into the monument.[123] The motorman said he was "sick of seeing that policeman with his arm raised".[123] The city restored the statue in 1928 and moved it to Union Park.[124] During the 1950s, construction of the Kennedy Expressway erased about half of the old, run-down market square, and in 1956, the statue was moved to a special platform built for it overlooking the freeway, near its original location.[124]

Two activists at the statue-less pedestal of the police monument on the 100th anniversary of the Haymarket affair in May 1986; the pedestal has since been removed. - Haymarket affair
Two activists at the statue-less pedestal of the police monument on the 100th anniversary of the Haymarket affair in May 1986; the pedestal has since been removed.

The Haymarket statue was vandalized with black paint on May 4, 1968, the 82nd anniversary of the Haymarket affair, following a confrontation between police and demonstrators at a protest against the Vietnam War.[125] On October 6, 1969, shortly before the "Days of Rage" protests, the statue was destroyed when a bomb was placed between its legs. Weatherman took credit for the blast, which broke nearly 100 windows in the neighborhood and scattered pieces of the statue onto the Kennedy Expressway below.[126] The statue was rebuilt and unveiled on May 4, 1970, to be blown up yet again by Weathermen on October 6, 1970.[125][126] The statue was rebuilt, again, and Mayor Richard J. Daley posted a 24‑hour police guard at the statue.[126] This guard was paid $67,440 per year.[127] In 1972 it was moved to the lobby of the Central Police Headquarters, and in 1976 to the enclosed courtyard of the Chicago police academy.[125] For another three decades the statue's empty, graffiti-marked pedestal stood on its platform in the run-down remains of Haymarket Square where it was known as an anarchist landmark.[125] On June 1, 2007 the statue was rededicated at Chicago Police Headquarters with a new pedestal, unveiled by Geraldine Doceka, Officer Mathias Degan's great-granddaughter.[122]

In 1992, the site of the speakers' wagon was marked by a bronze plaque set into the sidewalk, reading:

"A decade of strife between labor and industry culminated here in a confrontation that resulted in the tragic death of both workers and policemen. On May 4, 1886, spectators at a labor rally had gathered around the mouth of Crane's Alley. A contingent of police approaching on Des Plaines Street were met by a bomb thrown from just south of the alley. The resultant trial of eight activists gained worldwide attention for the labor movement, and initiated the tradition of 'May Day' labor rallies in many cities."

Designated on March 25, 1992
Richard M. Daley, Mayor
External images
"Haymarket Memorial", Mary Brogger

On September 14, 2004, Daley and union leaders—including the president of Chicago's police union—unveiled a monument by Chicago artist Mary Brogger, a fifteen-foot speakers' wagon sculpture echoing the wagon on which the labor leaders stood in Haymarket Square to champion the eight-hour day.[128] The bronze sculpture, intended to be the centerpiece of a proposed "Labor Park", is meant to symbolize both the rally at Haymarket and free speech. The planned site was to include an international commemoration wall, sidewalk plaques, a cultural pylon, a seating area, and banners, but construction has not yet begun.

See also

References

Footnotes

Beyond the Martyrs: A Social History of Chicago's Anarchists, 1870-1900 (Class & Culture)
Bruce C. Nelson (1988)
.
The Eye That Never Sleeps: A History of the Pinkerton National Detective Agency
Frank Morn (1982)
PREFACE: Private businesses frequently become centers of public controversy. Few, however, have touched American nerve endings as much as the private detective. Historic dichotomies developed early around the private detective that exist to this day in various guises. Americans have viewed their private detectives, and sometimes their public detectives too, with a mixture of fear and fascination. Their presence was explained and debated in negative and positive ways so often throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries that a popular compromise occurred. In a fit of ideological and intellectual exhaustion the occupation was simply shelved and relegated to a "necessary-evil" category until occasional outrages forced public debate, investigation, and censure anew. The pioneer detective agency, which forms the focus of this book and the focus of much of the controversy, was established by Allan Pinkerton in the 1850s and directed by his sons Robert and William during the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. Although Pinkerton's is America's largest private police force, the substance of this book is the story of this business until the 1930s, when directions in the agency's history shifted sufficiently to warrant a terminal point in the narrative. It is hoped that this is more than a history of one detective agency or for that matter the private detective business in America generally. Attempts are made toward that end, to be sure, but the Pinkerton agency also served as a weathervane in the social history of the United States. Implicit here are themes, issues, and attitudes that transcend a mere trace-and-chase treatment of famous law enforcers and criminals. One element of this history that has been neglected by previous writers is the relationship between the private and public police and also the relationship between those police industries and America's larger concepts of proper policing.
The Eye That Never Sleeps: A History of the Pinkerton National Detective Agency
Frank Morn (1982)
PREFACE: Private businesses frequently become centers of public controversy. Few, however, have touched American nerve endings as much as the private detective. Historic dichotomies developed early around the private detective that exist to this day in various guises. Americans have viewed their private detectives, and sometimes their public detectives too, with a mixture of fear and fascination. Their presence was explained and debated in negative and positive ways so often throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries that a popular compromise occurred. In a fit of ideological and intellectual exhaustion the occupation was simply shelved and relegated to a "necessary-evil" category until occasional outrages forced public debate, investigation, and censure anew. The pioneer detective agency, which forms the focus of this book and the focus of much of the controversy, was established by Allan Pinkerton in the 1850s and directed by his sons Robert and William during the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. Although Pinkerton's is America's largest private police force, the substance of this book is the story of this business until the 1930s, when directions in the agency's history shifted sufficiently to warrant a terminal point in the narrative. It is hoped that this is more than a history of one detective agency or for that matter the private detective business in America generally. Attempts are made toward that end, to be sure, but the Pinkerton agency also served as a weathervane in the social history of the United States. Implicit here are themes, issues, and attitudes that transcend a mere trace-and-chase treatment of famous law enforcers and criminals. One element of this history that has been neglected by previous writers is the relationship between the private and public police and also the relationship between those police industries and America's larger concepts of proper policing.
Blood on the Border : A Memoir of the Contra War
Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz (2005)
With Blood on the Border: A Memoir of the Contra War, Dunbar-Ortiz presents the third volume in her critically acclaimed memoir. In this long-awaited book, she vividly recounts on-the-ground memories of the contra war in Nicaragua, chronicling the US-sponsored terror inflicted on the people of Nicaragua following their 1981 election of the socialist Sandinistas, ousting Reagan darling and vicious dictator Somoza.The war’s opening salvo was the bombing of a Nicaraguan plane in Mexico City by US-backed contras, the plane Dunbar-Ortiz would have been on were it not for a delay. This disarming closeness to the fraught history of the US/Nicaraguan relationship shapes Dunbar-Ortiz’s narrative, bringing uncomfortably present the decade-long dirty war that the Reagan administration pursued in Nicaragua against civilian and soldier alike.As with her first two memoirs, in Blood on the Border, Dunbar-Ortiz seamlessly connects the dots not only between the personal and the political, but between recent history and our present moment. Unlike the many commentators who view the September 11, 2001, attacks as the start of the so-called “war on terror,” Dunbar-Ortiz offers firsthand testimony on battles waged much earlier. While her rich political analysis of this history bears the mark of a trained historian, she also writes from her perspective as an intrepid activist who spent months at a time throughout the 1980s in the war-torn country, especially in the remote Mosquitia region, where the indigenous Miskitu people were viciously assailed and nearly wiped out by CIA-trained contra mercenaries. She makes painfully clear the connections between what many US Americans only remember vaguely as the Iran-Contra “affair” and current US aggression in the Americas, the Middle East, and around the world. Clearly, this will be a book valuable not only for students of Latin American history, but also for anyone who is interested in better understanding the violent turmoil of our world today.
Living My Life, Vol. 1
Emma Goldman (1970)
Volume 1 of the candid, no-holds-barred account by American anarchist Goldman relates her philosophical and political journey through life, beginning with her emigration from Russia to the U.S. in 1886.  
  1. ^ Act II: Let Your Tragedy Be Enacted Here, Moment of Truth, 2000, The Dramas of Haymarket, Chicago Historical Society, "The details are factually incorrect, because by all accounts Fielden ended his speech before the bomb was thrown, and because the riot did not begin until after the explosion. In [this] depiction, the speech, the explosion, and the riot all take place at once."
  2. ^ "Originally at the corner of Des Plaines and Randolph". Cityofchicago.org. Retrieved March 18, 2012. 
  3. ^ Timothy Messer-Kruse, The Haymarket Conspiracy: Transatlantic Anarchist Networks (2012)
  4. ^ Smith, Carl. "Act III: Toils of the Law". The Dramas of Haymarket. Chicago Historical Society and Northwestern University. Retrieved June 14, 2012. 
  5. ^ See generally, Gilmer, Harry L. (July 28, 1886). "Testimony of Harry L. Gilmer, Illinois vs. August Spies et al.". Haymarket Affair Digital Collection. Chicago Historical Society. Retrieved January 19, 2008. 
  6. ^ See generally,Thompson, Malvern M. (July 27, 1886). "Testimony of Malvern M. Thompson, Illinois vs. August Spies et al.". Haymarket Affair Digital Collection. Chicago Historical Society. Retrieved January 19, 2008. 
  7. ^ Trachtenberg, Alexander (March 2002) [1932]. The History of May Day. Marxists.org. Retrieved January 19, 2008. 
  8. ^ Foner, "The First May Day and the Haymarket Affair", May Day, pp. 27–39.
  9. ^ a b c "Site of the Haymarket Tragedy". City of Chicago Department of Planning and Development, Landmarks Division. 2003. Archived from the original on July 14, 2006. Retrieved January 19, 2008. 
  10. ^ "Lists of National Historic Landmarks". National Historic Landmarks Program. National Park Service. March 2004. Archived from the original on 2008-07-09. Retrieved January 19, 2008. 
  11. ^ "The Haymarket Affair". illinoislaborhistory.org. Retrieved March 19, 2014. 
  12. ^ Huberman, Michael (Dec 2004). "Working Hours of the World Unite? New International Evidence of Worktime, 1870-1913". The Journal of Economic History 64 (4): 971. doi:10.1017/s0022050704043050. 
  13. ^ Barrett, James R. "Unionization". Encyclopedia of Chicago. Chicago History Museum, Newberry Library, Northwestern University. Retrieved April 2, 2012. 
  14. ^ Moberg, David. "Antiunionism". Encyclopedia of Chicago. Chicago History Museum, Newberry Library, Northwestern University. Retrieved April 2, 2012. 
  15. ^ Reiff, Janice L. "The Press and Labor in the 1880s". Encyclopedia of Chicago. Chicago History Museum, Newberry Library, Northwestern University. Retrieved April 2, 2012. 
  16. ^ Kemmerer, Donald L.; Edward D. Wickersham (January 1950). "Reasons for the Growth of the Knights of Labor in 1885-1886". Industrial and Labor Relations Review 3 (2): 213–220.
  17. ^ Henry David, The History of the Haymarket Affair (1936), introductory chapters, pages 21 to 138
  18. ^ "How May Day Became a Workers' Holiday". The Guide to Life, The Universe and Everything. BBC. October 4, 2001. Retrieved January 19, 2008. "(It is) Resolved ... that eight hours shall constitute a legal day's labor from and after May 1, 1886, and that we recommend to labor organizations throughout this district that they so direct their laws so as to conform to this resolution by the time named." 
  19. ^ "How May Day Became a Workers' Holiday". The Guide to Life, The Universe and Everything. BBC. October 4, 2001. Retrieved January 19, 2008. 
  20. ^ a b c Avrich, The Haymarket Tragedy, p. 186.
  21. ^ a b Foner, May Day, p. 27.
  22. ^ Foner, May Day, pp. 27–28.
  23. ^ a b Foner, May Day, p. 28.
  24. ^ According to Henry David there were strikes by "no less than 30,000 men", and "perhaps twice that number (i.e., 80,000) were out on the streets participating in or witnessing the various demonstrations..."
  25. ^ David, The History of the Haymarket Affair, pp. 177, 188.
  26. ^ The existence of an 80,000 person march down Michigan Avenue, described by Avrich (1984), Foner (1986), and others, has been questioned by historian Timothy Messer-Kruse, who claims to have found no specific reference to it in contemporary sources and notes that David (1936) doesn't mention it.
  27. ^ a b Green, Death in the Haymarket, pp. 162–173.
  28. ^ Avrich, The Haymarket Tragedy, p. 190.
  29. ^ Avrich, The Haymarket Tragedy, p. 193.
  30. ^ Illinois vs. August Spies et al. trial transcript no. 1, 1886 Nov. 26 M. p. 255. Retrieved October 23, 2008. 
  31. ^ a b Nelson, Bruce C. (1988). Beyond the Martyrs: A Social History of Chicago's Anarchists, 1870–1900. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press. p. 189. ISBN 0-8135-1345-6. 
  32. ^ In the Supreme Court of Illinois, Northern Grand Division. March Term, 1887. August Spies, et al. v. The People of the State of Illinois. Abstract of Record. Chicago: Barnard & Gunthorpe. vol. II, p. 129. OCLC 36384114. , quoted in Avrich, The Haymarket Tragedy, pp. 199–200.
  33. ^ a b Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, p. 188.
  34. ^ a b c d e "Rioting and Bloodshed in the Streets of Chicago" (PDF). The New York Times. May 5, 1886. Retrieved February 29, 2012.  This is the same articlem datelined May 4, reproduced elsewhere.
  35. ^ New York Times article datelined May 4, headlined "Anarchy’s Red Hand" and dated May 6, reproduced on the University of Missouri at Kansas City Law School website.
  36. ^ Avrich (1984), pp. 205–206.
  37. ^ "Inspector John Bonfield report to Frederick Ebersold, General Superintendent of Police, 1886 May 30.". Chicago Historical Society. Retrieved 23 October 2012. 
  38. ^ "Chicago's Deadly Missile". The New York Times. May 14, 1886. Retrieved February 28, 2012. 
  39. ^ a b Messer-Kruse, Timothy, James O. Eckert Jr., Pannee Burckel, and Jeffrey Dunn (2005). "The Haymarket Bomb: Reassessing the Evidence". Labor: Studies in Working-Class History of the Americas (Duke University) 2 (2): 39–52. doi:10.1215/15476715-2-2-39. ISSN 1547-6715. 
  40. ^ Schaack, Anarchy and Anarchists, pp. 146–148.
  41. ^ Bonfield, John (May 30, 1886). "Inspector John Bonfield report to Frederick Ebersold, General Superintendent of Police". Haymarket Affair Digital Collection. Chicago Historical Society. Retrieved January 19, 2008. 
  42. ^ Chicago Tribune, June 27, 1886, quoted in Avrich, The Haymarket Tragedy, p. 209.
  43. ^ "Act II: Let Your Tragedy Be Enacted Here". The Dramas of Haymarket. Chicago Historical Society. 2000. Retrieved January 19, 2008. 
  44. ^ Schaack, Michael J. (1889). "The Dead and the Wounded". Anarchy and Anarchists. A History of the Red Terror and the Social Revolution in America and Europe. Communism, Socialism, and Nihilism in Doctrine and in Deed. The Chicago Haymarket Conspiracy, and the Detection and Trial of the Conspirators. Chicago: F. J. Schulte & Co. p. 155. OCLC 185637808. Retrieved January 19, 2008. "After the moment's bewilderment, the officers dashed on the enemy and fired round after round. Being good marksmen, they fired to kill, and many revolutionists must have gone home, either assisted by comrades or unassisted, with wounds that resulted fatally or maimed them for life. ... It is known that many secret funerals were held from Anarchist localities in the dead hour of night." 
  45. ^ Chicago Herald, May 5, 1886, quoted in Avrich (1984), pp.209–210.
  46. ^ Schaack, Michael J. (1889), Anarchy and Anarchists, pp. 149–155.
  47. ^ Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, pp. 188–189.
  48. ^ Avrich (1984), pp. 221–32.
  49. ^ David, The History of the Haymarket Affair (1936), pages 178–189
  50. ^ a b Morn, Frank (1982). The Eye That Never Sleeps: A History of the Pinkerton National Detective Agency. Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press. p. 99. ISBN 0-253-32086-0. 
  51. ^ a b c d e f Schaack, "Core of the Conspiracy", Anarchy and Anarchists, pp. 156–182.
  52. ^ Schaack, "My Connection with the Anarchist Cases", Anarchy and Anarchists, pp, 183–205.
  53. ^ Messer-Kruse, Timothy (2011) , page 21
  54. ^ a b Messer-Kruse (2011), pp. 18–21.
  55. ^ The Grand Jury returned an indictment against August Spies, Michael Schwab, Samuel Fielden, Albert R. Parsons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel, Louis Lingg, William Seliger, Rudolph Schnaubelt and Oscar Neebe for murder.

    Charged with making an unlawful, willful, felonious and with malice aforethought assault on the body of Mathias J. Degan causing him mortal wounds, bruises, lacerations and contusions upon his body.

    See Grand jury indictments for murder, 1886 June 4.| Chicago Historical Society, Haymarket Affair Digital Collection.
  56. ^ ""Meet the Haymarket Defendants" University of Missouri at Kansas City Law School website". Law2.umkc.edu. Retrieved March 18, 2012. 
  57. ^ Avrich, The Haymarket Tragedy (1984) pages 260 to 262
  58. ^ a b Avrich, The Haymarket Tragedy (1984) pages 262 to 267
  59. ^ Avrich, The Haymarket Tragedy, pp. 271–272.
  60. ^ Messer-Kruse (2011). pp. 123–128
  61. ^ Robert Loerzel, Alchemy of Bones: Chicago's Luetgert Murder Case of 1897 (University of Illinois Press; 2003), p. 52.
  62. ^ "Act III: Toils of the Law, Court of Public Opinion". The Dramas of Haymarket. Chicago Historical Society. 2000. Retrieved January 20, 2008. "From the time of the arrests following the riot to the hangings, the men held responsible for the bombing found the celebrity that they had been so eagerly seeking, if hardly on the terms they desired. ... In almost all instances, the accused achieved notoriety rather than fame, though reporters frequently remarked on their bravery in the face of the awesome fate awaiting them, and on their devotion to their families. Even these stories, however, emphasized their fanaticism and wrong-headed dedication to a dangerous and selfish cause that only hurt the ones they supposedly loved." 
  63. ^ "Anarchy’s Red Hand: Rioting and Bloodshed in the Streets of Chicago". The New York Times. May 6, 1886. Retrieved January 21, 2008. 
  64. ^ The New York Times, May [4] 6, 1886, quoted in Avrich, The Haymarket Tragedy, p. 217.
  65. ^ Avrich, The Haymarket Tragedy, p. 216.
  66. ^ Parsons, George Frederic (July 1886). "The Labor Question". The Atlantic Monthly 58: 97–113. 
  67. ^ "Act III: Toils of the Law". The Dramas of Haymarket. Chicago Historical Society. 2000. Retrieved January 20, 2008. 
  68. ^ Loertzel, Alchemy of Bones, p. 52.
  69. ^ 122 Ill. 1 (1887).
  70. ^ 123 U.S. 131 (1887).
  71. ^ "Lingg's Fearful Death". Chicago Tribune. November 11, 1887. p. 1. 
  72. ^ a b Avrich, The Haymarket Tragedy, p. 393.
  73. ^ Messer-Kruse (2011). p. 181.
  74. ^ FEBRUARY 11, 2013, ISSUE John J. Miller, "What Happened at Haymarket? A historian challenges a labor-history fable," National Review online
  75. ^ Paul Avrich, The Haymarket Tragedy, p. 439
  76. ^ "Building the Digital Collection". Chicagohs.org. Retrieved March 18, 2012. 
  77. ^ John A. Farrell, Clarence Darrow: Attorney for the Damned (New York: Doubleday, 2011), p. 5 and passim.
  78. ^ Quoted in Stanley Turkel, Heroes of the American Reconstruction: Profiles of Sixteen Educators (McFarland, 2009) p. 121.
  79. ^ Morn. The Eye That Never Sleeps. p. 99. ISBN 0-253-32086-0.  On April 9, 1885, Pinkertons shot and killed an elderly man at the McCormick Harvester Company Works in Chicago. On October 19, 1886, they shot and killed a man in Chicago's packinghouse district. More info.
  80. ^ ACT V Raising the dead: Absolute Pardon, Chicago Historical Society (2000)
  81. ^ Illinois Governor John Peter Altgeld National Governors Association (2011).
  82. ^ The Debs Case: Labor, Capital, and the Federal Courts of the 1890s, Biographies, John Peter Altgeld Federal Judicial Center.
  83. ^ a b c Teaford, Jon C. (2006). "Good Read, Old Story -- Death in the Haymarket: A Story of Chicago, the First Labor Movement and the Bombing that Divided Gilded Age America by James Green". Reviews in American History 34: 350–354. 
  84. ^ Thale, Christopher. "Haymarket and May Day". Encyclopedia of Chicago. Chicago History Museum, Newberry Library and Northwestern University. Retrieved April 1, 2012. 
  85. ^ Smith, Carl. "Act III: Toils of the Law". The Dramas of Haymarket. Chicago Historical Society and Northwestern University. Retrieved April 13, 2012. 
  86. ^ Smith, Carl. "Introduction". The Dramas of Haymarket. Chicago Historical Society and Northwestern University. Retrieved April 13, 2012. 
  87. ^ Messer-Kruse, The Trial of the Haymarket Anarchists p. 8 and passim.
  88. ^ Foner, The Autobiographies of the Haymarket Martyrs, p. 13.
  89. ^ a b Nathan Fine, Labor and Farmer Parties in the United States, 1828–1928. New York: Rand School of Social Science, 1928; pg. 53.
  90. ^ Foner, May Day, p. 40.
  91. ^ Foner, May Day, p. 41.
  92. ^ a b Foner, May Day, p. 42.
  93. ^ Foner, May Day, p. 45.
  94. ^ Foner, May Day, pp. 45–46.
  95. ^ Roediger, Dave, "Mother Jones & Haymarket", in Roediger and Rosemont, eds., Haymarket Scrapbook, p. 213.
  96. ^ Foner, May Day, p. 104.
  97. ^ Foner, May Day, p. 118.
  98. ^ Avrich, The Haymarket Tragedy, p. 436.
  99. ^ Dunbar-Ortiz, Roxanne (2005). Blood on the Border: A Memoir of the Contra War. Cambridge, Mass.: South End Press. p. 73. ISBN 0-89608-741-7. "How do I explain to my compañeros Mexicanos why May Day is not a holiday in the United States where it originated? They know about the Haymarket martyrs of Chicago, but workers in the United States do not." 
  100. ^ Goldman, Emma (1970) [1931]. Living My Life. New York: Dover Publications. pp. 7–10, 508. ISBN 0-486-22543-7. 
  101. ^ a b Avrich, The Haymarket Tragedy, p. 434.
  102. ^ Avrich, The Haymarket Tragedy, pp. 433–434.
  103. ^ Gilmer, Harry L. (July 28, 1886). "Testimony of Harry L. Gilmer, Illinois vs. August Spies et al.". Haymarket Affair Digital Collection. Chicago Historical Society. Retrieved January 19, 2008. 
  104. ^ Thompson, Malvern M. (July 27, 1886). "Testimony of Malvern M. Thompson, Illinois vs. August Spies et al.". Haymarket Affair Digital Collection. Chicago Historical Society. Retrieved January 19, 2008. 
  105. ^ After the hangings, Reitzel reportedly told Dr. Urban Hartung, another anarchist, "The bomb-thrower is known, but let us forget about it; even if he had confessed, the lives of our comrades could not have been saved." Letter from Carl Nold to Agnes Inglis, January 12, 1933, quoted in Avrich, The Haymarket Tragedy, p. 442.
  106. ^ Messer-Kruse, The Trial of the Haymarket Anarchists, p. 74. Avrich also suggests the bomber might have been a shoemaker named George Schwab (no relation to hanged defendant Michael Schwab). Anarchist George Meng, has recently also been mentioned "Who Threw the Bomb", The Dramas of the Haymarket, Chicago Historical Society and Northwestern University website.
  107. ^ Messer-Kruse, The Trial of the Haymarket Anarchists, p. 182.
  108. ^ Lucy Parsons stated that Harris's book "was a lie from cover to cover." Letter from Lucy Parsons to Carl Nold, January 17, 1933, quoted in David, The History of the Haymarket Affair, p. 435.
  109. ^ David, The History of the Haymarket Affair, p. 428.
  110. ^ Avrich, The Haymarket Tragedy, pp. 444–45.
  111. ^ Avrich, Paul, "The Bomb-Thrower: A New Candidate", in Roediger and Rosemont, eds., Haymarket Scrapbook, pp. 71–73.
  112. ^ Dyer Lum, quoted in David, The History of the Haymarket Affair, pp. 426–427.
  113. ^ David, The History of the Haymarket Affair, pp. 430–431.
  114. ^ Altgeld, John P. (June 26, 1893). "Reasons for Pardoning Fielden, Neebe and Schwab". Haymarket Affair Digital Collection. Chicago Historical Society. Retrieved January 19, 2008. 
  115. ^ David, The History of the Haymarket Affair, pp. 428–429.
  116. ^ David, The History of the Haymarket Affair, p. 430.
  117. ^ David, The History of the Haymarket Affair, p. 431.
  118. ^ Avrich, The Haymarket Tragedy, pp. 444.
  119. ^ David, The History of the Haymarket Affair, pp. 429–430.
  120. ^ Parsons, Albert R. (1886). "Address of Albert R. Parsons". The Accused, The Accusers: The Famous Speeches of the Eight Chicago Anarchists in Court. Chicago Historical Society. Retrieved January 19, 2008. 
  121. ^ Adelman, Haymarket Revisited, pp. 38–39.
  122. ^ a b "Haymarket Statue Rededication Ceremony at Police Headquarters". Chicago Police Department weblog. Chicago Police Department. May 31, 2007. Archived from the original on December 18, 2007. Retrieved January 23, 2008. 
  123. ^ a b Adelman, William J., "The True Story Behind the Haymarket Police Statue", in Roediger and Rosemont, eds., Haymarket Scrapbook, pp. 167–168.
  124. ^ a b Adelman, Haymarket Revisited, p. 39.
  125. ^ a b c d Adelman, Haymarket Revisited, p. 40.
  126. ^ a b c Avrich, The Haymarket Tragedy, p. 431.
  127. ^ Lampert, Nicholas. "Struggles at Haymarket: An Embattled History of Static Monuments and Public Interventions," 261
  128. ^ Kinzer, Stephen (September 15, 2004). "In Chicago, an Ambiguous Memorial to the Haymarket Attack". New York Times. Retrieved January 20, 2008. 

Works cited

Haymarket Revisited
William Adelman (1976)
The Haymarket Tragedy
Paul Avrich (1986)
Autobiographies of the Haymarket Martyrs
Philip S. Foner (1969)
The life stories of eight working-class militants railroaded to prison or the gallows for the 1886 Haymarket bombing in Chicago. Written from prison, these accounts present a living portrait of the labor movement of the time, as well as the lives and ideas of these fighters for workers' rights.Drawings, notes, bibliography, index.
May Day: A Short History of the International Workers' Holiday, 1886-1986
Philip Sheldon Foner (1986)
Death in the Haymarket: A Story of Chicago, the First Labor Movement, and the Bombing That Divided Gilded Age America
James Green (2006)
On May 4, 1886, a bomb exploded at a Chicago labor rally, wounding dozens of policemen, seven of whom eventually died. Coming in the midst of the largest national strike Americans had ever seen, the bombing created mass hysteria and led to a sensational trial, which culminated in four controversial executions. The trial seized headlines across the country, created the nation’s first red scare and dealt a blow to the labor movement from which it would take decades to recover.Death in the Haymarket brings these remarkable events to life, re-creating a tempestuous moment in American social history. James Green recounts the rise of the first great labor movement in the wake of the Civil War and brings to life the epic twenty-year battle for the eight-hour workday. He shows how the movement overcame numerous setbacks to orchestrate a series of strikes that swept the country in 1886, positioning the unions for a hard-won victory on the eve of the Haymarket tragedy.As he captures the frustrations, tensions and heady victories, Green also gives us a rich portrait of Chicago, the Midwestern powerhouse of the Gilded Age. We see the great factories and their wealthy owners, including men such as George Pullman, and we get an intimate view of the communities of immigrant employees who worked for them. Throughout, we are reminded of the increasing power of newspapers as, led by the legendary Chicago Tribune editor Joseph Medill, they stirred up popular fears of the immigrants and radicals who led the unions.Blending a gripping narrative, outsized characters and a panoramic portrait of a major social movement, Death in the Haymarket is an important addition to the history of American capitalism and a moving story about the class tensions at the heart of Gilded Age America.
The Haymarket Conspiracy: Transatlantic Anarchist Networks (Working Class in American History)
Timothy Messer-Kruse (2012)
The Haymarket Conspiracy: Transatlantic Anarchist Networks traces the evolution of revolutionary anarchist ideas in Europe and their migration to the United States in the 1880s. A new history of the transatlantic origins of American anarchism, this study thoroughly debunks the dominant narrative through which most historians interpret the Haymarket Bombing and Trial of 1886–87. Challenging the view that there was no evidence connecting the eight convicted workers to the bomb throwing at the Haymarket rally, Timothy Messer-Kruse examines police investigations and trial proceedings that reveal the hidden transatlantic networks, the violent subculture, and the misunderstood beliefs of Gilded Age anarchists. Messer-Kruse documents how, in the 1880s, radicals on both sides of the Atlantic came to celebrate armed struggle as the one true way forward and began to prepare seriously for conflict. Within this milieu, he suggests the possibility of a "Haymarket conspiracy": a coordinated plan of attack in which the oft-martyred Haymarket radicals in fact posed a real threat to public order and safety. Drawing on new, never-before published historical evidence, The Haymarket Conspiracy provides a new means of understanding the revolutionary anarchist movement on its own terms rather than in the romantic ways in which its agents have been eulogized.
Beyond the Martyrs: A Social History of Chicago's Anarchists, 1870-1900 (Class & Culture)
Bruce C. Nelson (1988)
.
Haymarket Scrapbook
(1986)
A truly immense, staggering, and wonderful anthology - profusely illustrated - focussing on the most world-reverberating vent in American labor history: the Haymarket Affair of 1886-67, and on the vast, incredibly varied and enduring influence it has exerted in the United States and across the globe. Divided into three massive sections - The Martyrs & Their Movements, Defense & Amnesty and The Heritage, contributors include William J Adelman, Carlotta Anderson, Paul Avrich, Sam Dolgoff, Richard Drinnon, Philip Foner, Joseph Jablonski, Bruce Nelson, Fred Thompson and many more. It features reprints of hard-to-find speeches and writings from the likes of the Haymarket martyrs themselves, Oscar Ameringer, Edward Bellamy, Ralph Chaplin, Voltaiarine de Cleyre, Eugene Debs, Emma Goldman, Sam Gompers, Mother Jones, Peter Kropotkin, Jo Labadie, Lucy Parsons, Kenneth Rexroth, Carl Sandburg and a whole lot more. Also included are an abundance of cartoons and other illustrations from the likes of Flavio Constantini, Walter Crane, Robert Green, Mike Konopacki, Ernest Riebe, Art Young, and numerous others. Truly a comprehensive, engaging, and enlightening work. 250 massive pages, oversize and abundant.

Further reading

  • Bach, Ira J.; Mary Lackritz Gray (1983). A Guide to Chicago's Public Sculpture. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-03399-6. 
  • Fireside, Bryna J. (2002). The Haymarket Square Riot Trial: A Headline Court Case. Berkeley Heights, N.J.: Enslow Publishers. ISBN 0-7660-1761-3. 
  • Harris, Frank (1908). The Bomb. London: John Long. OCLC 2380272. 
  • Hucke, Matt; Ursula Bielski (1999). Graveyards of Chicago: The People, History, Art, and Lore of Cook County Cemeteries. Chicago: Lake Claremont Press. ISBN 0-9642426-4-8. 
  • Kvaran, Einar Einarsson. Haymarket — A Century Later (unpublished manuscript). 
  • Lieberwitz, Risa, "The Use of Criminal Conspiracy Prosecutions to Restrict Freedom of Speech: The Haymarket Trial," in Marianne Debouzy (ed.), In the Shadow of the Statue of Liberty: Immigrants, Workers, and Citizens in the American Republic, 1880-1920. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1992; pp. 275–291.
  • Lum, Dyer (2005 reprint of 1887 book). A Concise History of the Great Trial of the Chicago Anarchists in 1886. Adamant Media Corporation. ISBN 978-1-4021-6287-9. 
  • McLean, George N. (1890). The Rise and Fall of Anarchy in America. Chicago: R.G. Badoux & Co. 
  • Parsons, Lucy (1889). Life of Albert R. Parsons : with brief history of the labor movement in America. Chicago: L. E. Parsons. 
  • Riedy, James L. (1979). Chicago Sculpture: Text and Photographs. Urbana, Ill.: University of Illinois Press. ISBN 0-252-01255-0. 
  • Smith, Carl (1995). Urban Disorder and the Shape of Belief: The Great Chicago Fire, the Haymarket Bomb, and the Model Town of Pullman. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-76416-8. 
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